"If no one talks about it, there is a lot of room for extreme opinions"

By Melody Hansen, Lex Kleren Published on 06 Aug. 2021 Switch to German for original article

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Faran Livneh was born in Israel and grew up in Luxembourg. The young mother has been living in Israel for almost four years now. There she is committed to peace between Israelis and Palestinians. In the interview, Faran talks about how she perceived the tensions as a teenager, how she experienced the bombings in May 2021 and why she believes that lasting peace is possible.

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The Israeli-Palestinian ‘Conflict’ has culminated in a new crisis: what started as protests over evictions of Palestinian families in Israeli occupied East Jerusalem escalated into riots and the eventual storming of the al-Aqsa compound, Islam’s third holiest site, by Israeli security forces. Protests and counter-protests soon spread to various cities inside Israel and the occupied Palestinian territories. The al-Aqsa incident became the trigger for terrorist-group Hamas to start firing thousands of rockets into Israel from the Gaza Strip. This triggered a military response by Israel over eleven days in May, resulting in the deaths of at least 13 Israelis and 256 Palestinians in the Gaza Strip alone. Thousands got injured and were rendered homeless, and recovery work is ongoing under expectations of a possible new war.

Even if most of the thousands of rockets shot from Gaza were intercepted by Israel’s Iron Dome missile defence system, their unprecedented range struck terror into places usually farther removed from the realities of the occupation. Both sides have been accused of potential war crimes for the use of indiscriminate rockets and the disproportionate use of force against civil infrastructure and lives. Next to the lasting trauma for Israelis and Palestinians, and the slow violence of the blockade of Gaza rendering life in it near unbearable, a political solution remains elusive. The underlying tensions around the evictions from the Sheikh Jarrah neighbourhood continue unresolved, as do most negotiations between parties, and the lack of progress on a two-State solution. Hardliners on both sides continue provocations that may cause new bouts of violence.

In an attempt to understand the human side and cost to these events, we spoke to Wafaa, a Palestinian refugee from Gaza in Luxembourg, and Faran, an Israeli-Luxembourgish woman living in Israel. Both are engaged in grassroots peace-building by bringing Palestinians and Israelis together to overcome their differences, and their life stories reveal much about what the ‘conflict’ looks like beyond abstract statistics of death and suffering.

Lëtzebuerger Journal: You were born in Israel and grew up in Luxembourg. Tell us about it.

Faran Livneh: My father is Israeli and my mother is Luxembourgish. After they met and married in Israel, they lived briefly in Luxembourg, where my big sister was born. Then they moved to Israel, where I was born. When I was two and a half years old, my parents got divorced and I moved back to Luxembourg with my sister and my mother. So I grew up and went to school here. During my childhood, I went to visit my father in Israel three times a year. During the Christmas and Easter holidays and one month in the summer. My father only spoke Hebrew with us, so I have a perfect command of the language. I was only there for the holidays, but experienced a lot. Now that I live in Israel, of course, I realise that it's something else again.

"I felt like the more I learn about the whole conflict, the less I know."

Faran Livneh

Almost four years ago you decided to move to Israel. How did this happen?

I always knew that at some point I wanted to live in Israel for a while to find out if I liked it there. In July 2017, when I was just starting to live in Berlin, my grandma died in Israel. That hit me hard, which was weird because we never had a particularly close relationship. I still felt the need to go there and participate in the traditional Jewish mourning period. Before that, I kind of always had a love-hate relationship with Israel. But when I came back this time, for the first time in my life I felt that I was home. I went back to Berlin afterwards, but there I felt like I was stuck. So I bought a one-way ticket to Israel without a plan. And then I met the future father of my son. It became quickly clear to me that I wanted to live with him in Israel. So I moved there in December, to Jaffa, a district of Tel Aviv.

You said before our conversation that you were afraid to give this interview. What are you afraid of?

I have the feeling that nobody knows the truth in this discussion. There is also no single truth. There are so many stories from one side and the other. My fear is that I will come across as arguing too much for or against a certain side – and that I might be attacked from both sides for it. At the same time, I think it's important to talk about it and educate people. In doing so, it is important to try to approach it with as much humility as possible. Because if no one talks about it because no one dares, there is a lot of room left for extreme opinions.

You recently founded the Facebook group "Israeli and Palestinian Women Believing in Peace". What goal do you want to achieve with this?

I have felt throughout my life that I want to do something for peace. I have always felt concerned. You can't help it if you're Israeli or Palestinian, because you're always being asked about it, even from the outside. I have had to justify myself so many times. I remember having heated discussions with two boys – both Muslims – when I was 13 and still attending lyceum. Despite the discussions, these two boys were part of my closest friends for a long time. And we still have a warm and respectful relationship with each other. Somehow, the subject just connected us. Such discussions have been going on throughout my life. When I was 19 or 20, I had enough. I also felt like the more I learn about the whole conflict, the less I know. I felt a certain hopelessness that lasted for a relatively long time.

What was the trigger for you to start dealing with the subject again?

When I lived in Berlin, my interest slowly returned. I think that's also because Germany has another connection to it. There, the people I met often had very strong opinions. They were either very pro-Israel or extremely anti-Israel. As a result, I had to deal more with the problem and the different perspectives and criticisms. It also became clear to me at that point: if I lived in Israel, I could be more active with peace efforts.

So you felt you had to live there to do something?

Exactly. But I always had the feeling that if someone didn't grow up in Israel and lived there, that's a reason for Israelis not to take you seriously. They say it's easy to talk about it when you haven't experienced it every day. Israelis are generally very defensive because it is a very sensitive topic.

Yet you have always been aware of many things …

Yes. I remember the first Intifada, when I was eight or nine years old. That was the time when buses and restaurants were blown up. We spent the holidays at my father's place as usual. We were in town and I really wanted to eat spaghetti in a certain restaurant, but my sister preferred falafel. We argued, my sister won and we went to eat falafel. I was cranky, of course. All of a sudden we heard a heavy explosion and the restaurant where I wanted to eat spaghetti was blown up. Children were also killed. What I want to say here is: it's not as if I don't know what it means to live in Israel and to experience and suffer the consequences of the conflict. But because of the feedback I got from Israelis, I was still cautious all the time. I knew I had to have lived here longer to be taken seriously by them.

The First Intifada

The First Intifada was a grassroots-uprising of Palestinians against Israeli occupation of Palestinian territories and the living conditions therein which lasted from December 1987 to September 1993. Its resolution spawned the Oslo Accords and the expectations for a negotiated withdrawal of Israeli military occupation along with a transfer of power to Palestinian authorities, although not necessarily a Palestinian state. Their failure regarding further negotiations and implementation of provisions created further divisions that would spark the Second Intifada. Overall, almost 150 Israelis and over 1000 Palestinians died, of which a quarter were under the age of 17. Over three thousand Israelis and over a hundred-thousand Palestinians were injured over 6 years.

Following the 1967 Six-Day War, Israel took military control of the Gaza Strip, the West Bank, and East Jerusalem, controlling all remaining parts of historic Palestine. Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza Strip were administered by the Israeli Ministry of Defence's "Civil Administration", which was responsible for the administration of the occupied territories. Whilst there were armed militias, most notably the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO), resisting occupation through guerrilla warfare, the intifada did not arise from military confrontation. Instead, it primarily arose from youth-protests that had grown up under military occupation and its realities.

Between 1967 and 1987, the standing of Palestinians in the occupied Palestinian territories (oPt) gradually deteriorated regarding their civic, political and economic rights, with Israeli settlement policy becoming more aggressive and increasingly expropriating Palestinian land in the oPt. Restrictions on exports, use of land and water and other means further hurt the Palestinian economy. At this time, movement between territories of Palestine and Israel was still possible, and many Palestinians worked in Israel. Such opportunities were not available to all however, and oPt saw high unemployment rates from restrictive policies. During the 70s, the global oil-slump and growing inflation which spiralled almost out of control in the 80s added to economic hardships.

In parallel, a new generation of Palestinians that had grown up under occupation, especially overcrowded refugee camps, would increasingly demonstrate Israeli military occupation, and become the face of the early mass protests leading up to 1987. The Israeli stance towards Palestinians and protests grew ever more militarised and securitised, fuelling tensions inside Palestine and Israel alike over the government's actions.

Indefinite detentions, deportations, demolitions of homes, beatings, collective punishment of communities in the form of curfews and water or electricity cuts, and a censure of all support for the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) or other political structures brought about a boiling point by 1987. Israeli leadership at the time believed in the importance of imposing an "Iron Fist" policy using aforementioned tactics, including live ammunition used against unarmed protestors, to quell protests. When in December 1987 an Israeli truck crashed into Palestinian cars at a checkpoint in Gaza just days after a Jew was murdered in the same area, spontaneous rioting spread across oPt and parts of Israel.

More than a supposed retaliatory act for the killing, the beginning of the First Intifada must be understood in the context of two decades of occupation and the deteriorating socioeconomic context of Palestinians, the youth in particular. In the first weeks, IDF soldiers used live-ammunition against unarmed protestors, many of them minors. Defence-minister Rabin shortly after laid out a policy of "force, might and beatings" that continued the Iron Fist policies, although with rubber bullets, which explains the high rate of a hundred-thousand plus wounded Palestinians. He also ordered soldiers to beat protestors, denying and being contradicted that he also said they should break the bones of arrested protestors (a video of one such incident would create a media-storm, a major rally in Tel-Aviv, and soldiers spoke up about it). Although most Palestinians protesters were non-violent or mostly armed with stones, some threw Molotov cocktails and guns were used later on as well.

Even if not all Palestinians initially supported the uprising, the military's response would close their ranks, and many grassroots movements would link efforts, with women notably leading many. In Israel, the heavy-handed response created much debate, although the political leadership would continue applying repressive policies.

Initially secrete peace-negotiations between Israeli and the PLO in Oslo finally brought a formal end to the Intifada in the form of the Oslo Accords and changed Israeli-Palestine relations to this day. The PLO - which previously denounced Israel's right to exist - accepted the Israeli state and was recognised as representative of the Palestinian people by Israel and the international community. Today's interpretation of the Oslo Accords is that it would have allowed for the creation of an eventual two-State solution through a political process through which issues on both sides would be resolved through negotiations and not violence. Initially, the recognition of a Palestinian state was explicitly avoided as part of the negotiation outcomes. More extreme forces on both sides challenged the peace-process: Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad would start their suicide attacks and reject any recognition of Israel whilst Benin would be assassinated by an ultranationalist Jew for supporting the peace process. As the negotiations dragged on into 2000, polarisation in both camps and new friction due to new settlements and other restrictions in oPt would eventually lead to the Second Intifada.
More than a supposed retaliatory act for the killing, the beginning of the First Intifada must be understood in the context of two decades of occupation and the deteriorating socioeconomic context of Palestinians, the youth in particular. In the first weeks, IDF soldiers used live-ammunition against unarmed protestors, many of them minors. Defence-minister Rabin shortly after laid out a policy of "force, might and beatings" that continued the Iron Fist policies, although with rubber bullets, which explains the high rate of a hundred-thousand plus wounded Palestinians. He also ordered soldiers to beat protestors, denying and being contradicted that he also said they should break the bones of arrested protestors (a video of one such incident would create a media-storm, a major rally in Tel-Aviv, and soldiers spoke up about it). Although most Palestinians protesters were non-violent or mostly armed with stones, some threw Molotov cocktails and guns were used later on as well.

Even if not all Palestinians initially supported the uprising, the military's response would close their ranks, and many grassroots movements would link efforts, with women notably leading many. In Israel, the heavy-handed response created much debate, although the political leadership would continue applying repressive policies.

Initially secrete peace-negotiations between Israeli and the PLO in Oslo finally brought a formal end to the Intifada in the form of the Oslo Accords and changed Israeli-Palestine relations to this day. The PLO - which previously denounced Israel's right to exist - accepted the Israeli state and was recognised as representative of the Palestinian people by Israel and the international community. Today's interpretation of the Oslo Accords is that it would have allowed for the creation of an eventual two-State solution through a political process through which issues on both sides would be resolved through negotiations and not violence. Initially, the recognition of a Palestinian state was explicitly avoided as part of the negotiation outcomes. More extreme forces on both sides challenged the peace-process: Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad would start their suicide attacks and reject any recognition of Israel whilst Benin would be assassinated by an ultranationalist Jew for supporting the peace process. As the negotiations dragged on into 2000, polarisation in both camps and new friction due to new settlements and other restrictions in oPt would eventually lead to the Second Intifada.

You have been living there for almost four years now and were also there during the eleven days in May when bombs fell. How did you experience this time?

For us, it came out of nowhere. I am aware that people in Gaza suffer every day, but for us the development was very surprising. Especially in Tel Aviv, we live in a sort of bubble. Here it is possible to live your life and pretend that nothing is happening. All of a sudden, the sirens were turned on in the middle of the night. I wasn't prepared at all because I don't watch the news that often. It was the first time in my life that I experienced something like that. I didn't know what to do at all. It was one o'clock in the night, I was in my room and my son Ari was asleep. I didn't know if we had a shelter in the house, if I should wake up my son, if I should stay inside. After the sirens sound, you only have a few minutes to decide. If you're not in the shelter by then, at worst you'll be on the street when bombs fall. It was a tough situation.

What happened next?

My father wrote me immediately. He said that my bedroom, where my son also slept that night, was relatively protected. It's in the middle of the flat on the ground floor and there are high-rise buildings around it. If a rocket flew past, it would hit a tower block first. So whenever rockets flew, I stayed in that exact room. I didn't want to wake up my son so as not to traumatise him. It was really intense two weeks.

You said that people live peacefully together in Jaffa. Was that also the case in May?

It is true that Jews and Palestinian Arabs live together peacefully in Jaffa. That's why I live here and like living here. However, during the bombings there were many riots. Arabs lynched Jews and Jews lynched Arabs. My family didn't dare to leave the house. I hardly left my house for a week. After that, I only ever went out of the house for a very short time, when it was light, to do the most important things. That was a wake-up call for me.

May clashes

For weeks, Palestinian protesters clashed with Israeli police over the possible eviction of several Palestinian families in East Jerusalem's Sheikh Jarrah district. More than a family possibly becoming homeless, the evictions must be understood in the context of the occupation of Palestinian territories, of which East Jerusalem makes part. With Israeli settlers changing the demographic make-up of formerly Palestinian neighbourhoods and areas, initial protests quickly grew in size when police used heavy-handed tactics to quell unrest. Jewish extremists and Palestinians increasingly taunted each other and resorted to violence, with protests soon spreading across Israel and the occupied Palestinian territories. When police breached the sacred al-Aqsa compound repeatedly during Ramadan following stones being thrown from it on police, exceptional images of teargas, rubber-bullets, and stun grenades shocked the world. In various Israeli cities, Arab and Jewish mobs fought each other, with Israeli police often shielding Israeli mobs.

The Gaza-based terrorist militia Hamas gave Israel an ultimatum to leave the compound and started firing over 4000 rockets into Israel when this didn't happen. Most were intercepted, but Israeli civilians endured trauma from constant alerts to run into shelter. Over 11 days, 13 Israelis were killed and 114 injured by rocket-fire from Gaza before a ceasrefire was agreed 21st May. In Gaza itself, over 250 people died from air-strikes by Israel and about 2000 were wounded. Several thousand remain homeless. Over 1000 houses were destroyed, and many more thousands are damaged. Of the 113.000 IDPs that the airstrikes created, all but 8000 were able to return to their homes. The psycho-social needs of children and adults are acute, but few medical facilities exist. The blockade and fear of new clashes and a possible new war are keeping reconstruction efforts limited, with no construction materials entering Gaza. Reconstruction efforts will cost anywhere between USD$290-380M. Currently, the peace holds despite incidents of incendiary balloons being flown from Gaza that Israel retaliated for with airstrikes.

New protests in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, continue. UNICEF reports at least 276 children injured by live ammunition, rubber-bullets, concussion grenades, and tear gas since the end of hostilities in May. The youthful nature of the protests have seen 145 children arrested in East Jerusalem in the same timeframe, with 1090 Palestinians injured overall. About 1600 Jewish Israelis entered the al-Aqsa / Temple Mount compound under police protection late July for commemorating the historic destruction of the Jewish Temples sparked The court-case over the Sheikh Jarrah evictions are ongoing and keep inciting protests.

Both sides are accused of indiscriminate targeting of civilians and war crimes. The International Criminal Court's ongoing investigation continues gathering evidence even as Israel claims it holds no jurisdiction over the occupied Palestinian nor Israeli territories. In Gaza, at least 20 families were entirely eradicated from the bombing. Attacks on a building filled by international media and the bombing of a street without prior warning that killed 44 civilians is also another of multiple instances of potential war crimes committed. Equally, the UN's Human Rights Council established an ongoing independent, international commission of inquiry looking at all possible abuses committed against international humanitarian and international human rights law that may have lead to the most recent events.

So your desire to do something became stronger again?

Yes. But I didn't really know what exactly to do. I talked about it a lot with my partner. Because I do family constellation therapy where systemic conflict within families is bridged through meditated exchange, I had the idea to do it with Palestinian and Israeli women.

Why only with women?

In my work I organise women's circles and I believe in the power of women coming together. I also believe that women have a higher emotional intelligence to talk about things more calmly and respectfully. In my experience, the energy in discussions where both men and women participate is often generally very aggressive. Also in the peace groups that exist on Facebook. In general, I have noticed that in these groups, women who have a gentler manner don't even get to speak or don't dare to say anything.

Why is it so difficult to implement such a family constellation with Palestinian and Israeli women?

There are Palestinian women in Israel who are also Israeli. Meeting them is easy. But there are also Palestinian women living in Gaza or parts of the West Bank who are not allowed into Israel. Neither are we allowed to see them. That's super crazy. Most Palestinians who are under 30 have never met an Israeli. Except maybe a soldier who shot their father in a confrontation – and then that's the image they have of us.

So the idea of a Facebook group emerged?

My partner reminded me that the internet exists. (laughs) So I started posting in several groups on Facebook that I was organising Zoom calls. I got a lot of feedback to that. To keep track of them, I started a Facebook group. It took a while until the first call happened, because I wanted to wait until Palestinian women also got in touch. After all, it was supposed to be an exchange.

Was the first Zoom call successful?

Yes. There were seven or eight of us, including only one Palestinian woman who lives in Gaza. She lost her one-month-old baby in a bomb attack in 2014, during the last war. Her father also died of cancer. Israel does let people in to visit the hospital, but they need a passport to do so. This involves a lot of bureaucracy. Her father waited for this passport for a year and when he finally got it, it was too late. The cancer had already spread in his body. This young woman has lost two loved ones because of the situation. She is a teacher, but the school where she works was bombed, so she cannot work at the moment. She lives in an iron house where it is super warm – no air conditioning. All this is not comparable to the situation of us Israeli women who have been listening. No matter what your opinion is, there is a huge difference between living in Gaza and living here. Although there is also a lot of trauma and it is definitely not easy, for example compared to people living in Luxembourg. But compared to people from Gaza, we live extremely privileged.

The Gaza Strip

The Gaza Strip, or simply Gaza, is home to 2 million Palestinians currently under a near-total blockade on the movement of people and goods in or out of the territory. It has been under military occupation since 1967 together with the West Bank and East Jerusalem. A border-wall surrounds the territory and only two-checkpoints for civilians exist today: one administered by Israel and a second by Egypt.

There is no functioning airport and Israel imposes an air- sea- and land-blockade since Hamas took over Gaza in June 2007. A permit system controlled by Israel regulates all entry and exit of civilians to other occupied Palestinian and Israeli territories, and has been accused of being arbitrary and opaque. Although special permits for humanitarian reasons such as medical treatment exist, the same critique applies.

The Egyptian crossing also uses a permit system but would regularly close for months prior to February 2021 when it was made functional 'indefinitely' at the writing of this info-box. Prior to this, it remained closed for all but a few days between 2014 and 2018.

In 2005, the then-Israeli Prime Minister withdrew all military forces and Jewish citizens from Gaza citing the demographic-threat of an Arab majority in an Israeli state. Shortly after, an Islamic resistance movement called Hamas won legislative elections and eventually took over administering Gaza following infighting with the more moderate Palestinian group Fatah. Hamas does not recognise Israel's right to exist and is considered a terrorist organisation by most Western countries for its military-wing's use of suicide bombers against civilians, the use of tunnels to smuggle goods and attack Israeli settlements in Palestinian occupied territories, and most notoriously rocket-attacks on Israeli settlements and territory.

During Jewish holidays, attacks on Israeli settlements and territories, and at times for undefined reasons, Israeli may close all civilian and goods border-crossings on its side. Since 2007, import-restrictions on so-called dual-use goods that could be misused by Hamas to manufacture rockets or build underground tunnels into its territories and settlements in occupied territories are also in place. These include fuel, concrete, or water pipes. Successive bombing-raids by Israel on Gaza have left key infrastructure unable to be rebuilt. Israel accuses Hamas of misusing civilian buildings and infrastructure, as well as civilian populations, to hide military equipment. Today, less than 5% of fresh water in Gaza is drinkable, its sewage system has collapsed, and despite various negotiations having at times improved access of humanitarian aid and goods, the humanitarian situation in Gaza is catastrophic. The international community considers Israel the occupying power in Gaza, a status which puts special obligations on Israel regarding the humanitarian situation inside Gaza. Israel denies this status on the basis that it has no physical presence in Gaza and cites security-reasons as necessitating the blockade.

The UN calls the blockade of Gaza a form of collective punishment against its inhabitants, which is illegal under international humanitarian law. As part of the UN and shared EU position, Luxembourg calls for the end of the blockade.

In addition, Palestinians are forbidden by Hamas to speak with Israelis, right?

Exactly. It's extremely dangerous for them. If Hamas finds out that a Palestinian woman is in contact with Israelis, she can go to prison or worse. That's why she doesn't use her real name on Facebook but the name of her daughter who was killed. It was extremely brave of her to participate in this Zoom call. She said during the interview that we were the first Israelis she had met in her life and that she was very happy to see that there were good people among us. She thought we all hated her and wanted to kill all the Palestinians. Hearing that from her made me proud to have started this group.

Hamas and Palestinians in Gaza

Hamas, or Islamic Resistance Movement, has ruled Gaza since 2006 when it won the Palestinian legislative elections of the Palestinian National Authority (PA) in a surprise victory. Its origins lie with the First Intifada, when it emerged as offshoot of the Muslim Brotherhood, calling for jihad against Israel. Hamas' use of military and terrorist tactics (specifically rocket and suicide attacks) against the military occupation, denial of Israel's right to exist, partial refusal to engage in the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, and its original aim to establish an Islamic state in all of historic Palestine meant the international community and Israel sought to contain its influence.

Days after Hamas' electoral victory, the Quartet for Middle East Peace, consistent of the United Nations, the European Union, Russia, and the US, conditioned foreign aid to Palestinians on any new government aligning with the principles of non-violence, recognition of Israel's right to exist, and accepting all previous peace-agreements. These conditions were essentially unacceptable to Hamas at the time, even if moderates had moved it to accept pre-1967 borders, a truce if not recognition with Israel amongst other changes to its previous hardline stances.

Outside pressure and internal differences gradually eroded trust and space for cooperation between Palestinian factions. Hamas would soon create its own security force, which raised tensions with Fatah, a more moderate and secular party which the international community expected to win and which continues to hold the Presidency of the PA under Mahmoud Abbas. In parallel, it emerged that the PA's Presidential Guard loyal to Fatah was given military hardware and support by outside powers to possibly overthrow Hamas. Factional in-fighting and clashes resulted in Hamas taking over Gaza militarily in 2007. In an attempts to improve security and pressure Hamas, Israel and Egypt imposed the Gaza Blockade which endures to this day.

Although repeated attempts have been made to reconcile parties and form a Palestinian Unity Government, most efforts were short-lived or never came to fruition. New elections keep being postponed by Abbas. Although there are multiple complex reasons for this, one argument is that Hamas is expected to win an even greater share of seats, although not necessarily a majority. Mediation by the UN and Egypt have made some recent progress. Observers argue the current state of affairs is in an untenable deadlock, with Hamas having returned to many of its more hardline positions. Intra-Palestinian and external differences will have to be resolved somehow. Countries such as Norway and Switzerland have rejected recognising Hamas as terrorist organisation to this end, so they may continue engaging in diplomatic exchange and political engagement.
Hamas does not tolerate dissent. Planning, organising, and attending protests against its rule incur arrests, and critical reporting can result in jailtime, torture, and beatings. Contact with any Israelis is tried as treason, and civilians are tried in military courts. Over the years, such repression has taken on different levels of severity, with recent anti-Hamas protests facing greater repression. During its rule, Hamas has been accused of using human-shields to protect its military-hardware and to purposefully store weapons or run military units in residential areas to shield it from Israeli air-strikes. The Gaza-strip has one of the highest population-densities in the world, making any strike against a military target almost certain to incur civilian casualties.

Since the 90s, but especially in 2008, 2012, 2014, 2018, and most recently in 2021, Hamas and other militant groups have regularly launched improvised unguided rockets and mortars into Israel. Their numbers have varied from low double-digits into the thousands, and Israel relies on an anti-missile defence system called Iron Dome to intercept about 90% of them. Although casualties are low, their target is causing terror. At various stages, cease-fires were signed and aid was allowed back into Gaza in exchange for a stop to rocket-fire.

Israel's own retaliations in Gaza have equally been considered possible war crimes or crimes against humanity due to their disproportionate impact on civilians and infrastructure. Under international humanitarian law, civilian infrastructure is protected and any attacks must be proportional to the military aim it seeks to achieve. Israel's process of designating military targets has faced intense scrutiny following investigations of civilians and civilian infrastructure being systematically targeted over the years. Specifically, water, energy, health, education, and agricultural infrastructure has suffered under repeated bombing campaigns.

The blockade makes reconstruction and maintenance often impossible, with more infrastructure still falling into disrepair. Most basic goods and medicine are in short supply or completely unavailable. A 2012 UN report estimated Gaza to become unliveable by 2020 due to a lack of available freshwater amongst other reasons. Today, less than 5% of water is drinkable, with untreated sewage and wastewater seeping into an overdrawn aquifer. Energy is available for about half a day at a time, the unemployment rate is almost 50% for adults and higher for young people. Covid restrictions imposed by Israel and later by Hamas have decimated what little economic activity survives. Previous reports have found a mental health crisis, with up to 90% of children being constantly afraid, and suffering from nightmares and bedwetting even a year after bombing raids.

How differently do generations deal with the ongoing tense situation in Israel and Palestine?

Since the second and last Intifada in 1996, there has been a blatant separation. At that time, a wall was built through and around the West Bank with strict checkpoints. Since then, you can no longer drive back and forth. My partner is nine years older than me. He tells me that when he was young, he used to go with his friends to the occupied Palestinian territories to get their motorbikes repaired. They had friends there who owned a workshop. Back then, there was much more contact with each other. Our generation, on the other hand, is growing up in fear and hatred – on both sides.

Where does this fear and hatred come from from the perspective of an Israeli?

I think it's more fear than hate. If you talk to Israelis, you quickly find out that they want peace. However, they think the hatred of the other side, especially Hamas, is so great that they won't stop until all the Jews are out of the country. They think they have to be protected. That sounds absurd to the other side. But it is the overwhelming feeling in Israel. Then there is a strong hatred on the part of the Palestinians. Children learn there: everything that is unjust and everything that is not going well in your life is the fault of Israelis. Which is also not the whole truth.

"There are facts and it is a fact that Israel has more power and therefore creates more inequality. But to say that there is a good side and a bad side is an oversimplification."

Faran Livneh

When you lived in Luxembourg and Berlin, how did you experience media reports?

I think that in Germany there is often more pro-Israel reporting. Also because of German history. In Luxembourg, I have rather the opposite feeling. What scares us Jews is that anti-Zionism triggers a lot of anti-Semitism. I think it's extremely important to always try to see a bridge, a middle ground and both sides. It's not black or white. There are facts and it is a fact that Israel has more power and therefore creates more inequality. But to say that there is a good side and a bad side is an oversimplification. Everything has its reasons, everything is intertwined. Zionism is, in my opinion, one of the most misunderstood and misrepresented words there is. I can be a Zionist – that is to believe that Jews have a right to live in historic Judea, a right to self-determination, security and freedom – and at the same time want Palestinians to have exactly the same rights. This is not contradictory, although it is often presented as such, both by right-wing Israelis who use and distort Zionism as an excuse, and by anti-Israel propaganda.

So you see yourself as a Zionist?

Yes, in the sense described above, I definitely identify as a Zionist. The problem is that the word has a very negative connotation, which is why I often don't dare to say it. But only if I do I can change this misunderstanding.

Antisemitism and Antizionism

Anti-Zionism and Anti-Semitism are often confused and conflated but can overlap.

Anti-Semitism is usually summarised as hatred and prejudice against Jews. However, the precise definition of antisemitism is subject to academic debate due to questions over where genuine critique of Zionism or the state of Israel and the occupation of Palestinian territories crosses over into anti-Semitism. A recent effort signed by hundreds of scholars from relevant academic-fields created the Jerusalem Declaration on Antisemitism, which gives the following definition:
- Antisemitism is discrimination, prejudice, hostility or violence against Jews as Jews (or Jewish institutions as Jewish)
This is further refined through guidelines such as:
- Antisemitism can be direct or indirect, explicit or coded. For example, “The Rothschilds control the world” is a coded statement about the alleged power of “the Jews” over banks and international finance. Similarly, portraying Israel as the ultimate evil or grossly exaggerating its actual influence can be a coded way of racializing and stigmatizing Jews. In many cases, identifying coded speech is a matter of context and judgement, taking account of these guidelines.
The term 'anti-Semitism' itself only came into existence in the late 19th century, when it would be picked up by modern Zionists influenced by European nationalism to articulate the need for a Jewish state. Specifically, this was done in the face of discrimination and persecution of Jews in Europe, which was substantial even before the pogroms in Russia or the rise of Nazism. Whilst Zionism also draws on historic and religious arguments for the creation of a Jewish state, not all Jews supported Zionism, nor did Zionists agree on the exact form of a future state in Palestine. These divisions survive to the present day, with questions regarding how secular or religious the state should be, or questions on settlements and annexation of occupied Palestinian territories, a two-State solution and beyond. However, a critique of Zionism is nowadays often equated with the critique of Israel's right to exist, not least because Zionist and Jew have become interchangeably used by anti-Semites.

Still, there exists a more nuanced debate lead by academics, activists, Israeli Jews, Palestinians and others, and documents such as the Jerusalem Declaration on Antisemitism give reference points as to how we can have nuanced discussions or critique that don't fall into anti-Semitic tropes. Paying attention to these terms and how they are used in different contexts matters.

And there is a political agenda behind it …

… which is often absolutely not interested in peace at all. I have no doubt, for example, that "Bibi" Netanyahu, who was prime minister for far too long, is not interested in peace. He wants money and power but peace has no worth for him. Hamas in Gaza doesn't want peace either and in my opinion is not interested in the welfare of the Palestinians. That is sad. Above all, the people suffer twice. They suffer under an Israeli occupation and under a leadership that is absolutely not interested in their welfare. This is shown by this blatant dictatorship in Gaza alone, which says that they are not even allowed to be in contact with an Israeli. Let's not even start talking about women's rights. That is also a truth. I think it's important that whoever talks about it also makes it clear.

Do you have the feeling that people in Luxembourg are informed about all this?

No. For me it is always difficult – and I think for many – to meet such strong opinions from Europe all at once. No matter whether from Luxembourg, Germany, France or elsewhere. Someone says, for example, "Yes, you have stolen land." And I am thinking: "Come to Israel, make friends with both sides, do research, read about it – and if you think you can have an opinion, ok." But I was born there, I experienced all these things, I was in the West Bank and I still don't have an opinion. My only opinion is that I want peace and I want to try to somehow do something in that direction. For some reason, this is an issue that people have a very strong opinion on, even though they don't necessarily have an insight. It's extremely difficult. I also think that expressing strong opinions is an extremely male way of approaching things. Now that more and more women are being empowered, getting higher positions and having more say, that is changing. That is why I believe that it will be women who will achieve peace here.

"I was born there, I experienced all these things, I was in the West Bank and I still don't have an opinion. My only opinion is that I want peace."

Faran Livneh

What role is social media playing in the conflict this time?

Social media definitely plays a huge role. Whether this is good or bad, I don't know either. Of course it's heavy when you see videos of children suffering. Videos where Jews are screaming, that Arabs should die or where Arabs are screaming, that Jews should die. But does that give the right impression? It's important that people see what's going on here, on the other hand they don't see everything.

What do you think they don't see?

My son attends a day care centre run by an Arab-Jewish couple. He is a Palestinian who grew up in Israel and she is a religious Jew. He hated Jews when he was young. She on her side grew up in fear. They fell in love and realised they had been brainwashed their whole lives. Now they have three sons and they have started a daycare centre where they teach Arabic and Hebrew and celebrate Jewish, Muslim and Christian festivals. These things don't make it to social media. Maybe I would have to post a video of four-year-old Jewish and Palestinian Israelis playing together. But racism is of course also a reality.

As a consequence, there is a movement right now that says: "No, we are Palestinians and Israelis and that is also possible". They are in between. They feel strongly connected to the Palestinian people, but on the other hand they also feel Israeli because they live here, they speak Hebrew and so they are not completely at home in either community. Officially, Palestinians and Israelis have the same rights – with a few exceptions that are justified by the Israeli side as protective measures. There are Arabs in high positions who are judges or doctors. Theoretically, they could be equal. In practice, this is definitely not the case and there are many problems. For example, what I don't understand is that there are almost no public schools that are mixed. That doesn't do anyone any good. But there is also a lot of cooperation. Despite all the inequalities, Israel has its good sides. It is a democracy and there are newspapers that are extremely left-wing and completely positioned against the government. There are also many peace movements inside Israel. A relatively new movement that makes me very hopeful is called Standing together. Many Jewish and Palestinian Israelis have joined together to show the government and the world that they refuse to be enemies and stand together for equal rights and peace.

So there is potential to live together peacefully?

I feel like I have to believe in it.

What solution do you see that could end all this? Could a two-state solution work and if so, what would that look like?

I think about it a lot and haven't made up my mind a 100 per cent. Maybe I will change my mind. But my personal favourite solution would be a common country. Maybe also a kind of federation: two states with a common capital. The fear that Jewish Israelis have when there is talk of a common state is that we will lose our identity. We are a blatant minority. If all the borders are opened up, there will be a much smaller percentage of Jews here than Arabs. We are afraid of being hated again, then discriminated against and killed at some point. That's why there is this extreme clinging to Israel. It is the only country we have ever had where we were not hated and killed. Where we are safe.

The past and future of a Palestinian state

A two-State solution would see the creation of an independent democratic Palestinian state based on borders with Israel as they existed in 1967 before the Six-Day War. The West Bank, the Gaza Strip, and East Jerusalem (as capital) are considered occupied Palestinian territories (oPt) and form the territorial basis for a future Palestinian state.

Following the end of the First Intifada in 1993, the Oslo Accords and subsequent peace initiatives and treaties aimed at building a schedule or phasing of issues to be negotiated for achieving peace. As progress would be made, greater autonomy would be handed would be over to the Palestinian Authority (PA) for the administration of oPt until potential statehood could be considered. Negotiations have repeatedly broken down and treaties have not always been honoured.

Key issues remaining unsolved are over borders, the status of East Jerusalem (as Jerusalem is meant to become the shared capital under a two-State solution), the status of Israeli settlements, access of Palestinians to their lands, Palestinian refugees' right to return, and security guarantees.

Unfortunately, the past 30 years have made a two-State solution look increasingly unlikely. Israeli settlement activities in the form of expropriations, construction of settlements, and the building of border-walls in the West Bank and East Jerusalem have created new realities on the ground that preclude most of the original plans for a viable partition of territories. Subsequent UN Security Council and UN General Assembly resolutions calling on Israeli to withdraw troops from oPt and calling its settlements illegal under international law have largely gone ignored. In addition, Israeli politics continues shifting right - meaning supporting continued settlements and annexation of land - just as the splintering of Palestinian leadership between Gaza and the West Bank weakened the potential for negotiating and implementing any agreement. Whilst the international community recognises the Palestinian Authority as main representative of Palestinians, ever more Palestinians see the PA as collaborators to the state which is occupying their lands and continuing to evict them from it. For Israel, there can be no real negotiations over Palestinian statehood as Hamas controls Gaza and rejects all such efforts.

Although Hamas controls Gaza since 2007 and the blockade and regular bombing of Gaza has seen ever-worsening humanitarian conditions, its popularity increased. This outcome is the exact reverse of the blockade's intentions, and the PA's support of it implicates it in the needless suffering of Palestinians in Gaza. Moreover, Hamas has been able to shoot rockets at Israel and Israeli settlements with greater precision and range even as tunnels for smuggling goods into Gaza have been systematically destroyed by Israel. When the Sheikh Jarrah and al-Aqsa protests flared up, protests were initially independent of formal Palestinian institutions such as the PA or groups such as Hamas. Yet, Hamas was able to capitalise on them by positioning itself as a defender of Palestinian interests to a new generation of protestors. Its own governance structures keep evolving, and it is likely to gain a political foothold in the West Bank. Meanwhile, Mahmoud Abbas, President of the PA, postponed new elections once more as it is likely Hamas would win them.

What remains of the two-State solution are arguments for limited Palestinian statehood within parts of the West Bank (Israel currently controls about 60% of it directly), as does a form of confederacy (or 1.5 State solution), or an unacceptable to all 1-state solution. Violent protests and Israel and Palestinian mobs in cities across Israel that include mixed populations further add to the tensions that exist within Israel and the oPt at this stage. Even if the US as main ally of Israel were to pressure Israel to conform with international law, it is doubtful what remains salvageable of the original two-State solution.
Luxembourg supports a two-State solution based on the borders as they existed in 1967 before the Six-Day War. This is in line with EU and UN positions. Whilst 9 EU Member States* already recognise Palestine as a state, Luxembourg does not. Foreign minister Jean Asselborn argues that for any such recognition to make a material difference it has to come as part of a greater diplomatic effort, such as the EU as a whole recognising Palestinian statehood. To this end, Asselborn has repeatedly pushed for a common position by the EU, but to no avail.

As most UN and EU Member States, Luxembourg considers Israeli settlements in the West Bank as illegal under international law, as well as condemning them as colonisation undermining the two-State peace process. Previously, Asselborn threatened Luxembourg would recognise Palestine unilaterally should Israel annex the West Bank.

During the Gaza protests in 2018 and the most recent escalations in 2021, Luxembourg supported calls for respective UN Human Rights Council special sessions on events in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and in Israel. The latest such call and subsequent resolution established an ongoing independent, international commission of inquiry looking at all possible abuses committed against international humanitarian and international human rights law that may have lead to the most recent events.

*Bulgaria, Cyprus, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Malta, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, and Sweden

But you still believe that a common country is possible?

I think we have established ourselves enough. Both in language and culture and in politics. One idea I have would be that in parliament there must be 50 per cent Jews and 50 per cent Arabs. That this should be written into the constitution that it is impossible for one side to ever become more powerful than the other. That is my vision and my hope. For many it is a utopia, but I want to believe in it. It may be that there have to be two states first. However, I am absolutely against Jews being kicked out of the occupied territories – I am against settlements – and brought back to Israel and all the Arabs who are here being sent back to Palestine. That would tear society apart.